(Repeating story from Tuesday)
By Martin Santa
SAMORIN, Slovakia, June 8 (Reuters) - In this quiet
Slovakian town with a mostly ethnic Hungarian population, there
is little sign of the diplomatic storm over ethnic rights that
has poisoned relations between the two countries.
"Nobody in my circle has ever had a problem when it comes to
coexistence, it has always been politicians blowing problems out
of proportion, and it is the same now," said Izabela Komjati, an
ethnic Hungarian fashion designer in her 30s.
As the euro zone country heads toward a general election on
Saturday, the row with Budapest has grabbed headlines and become
one of the key campaign issues.
The two nations have had rocky relations for centuries.
Hungary lost much of its territory after World War I, leaving
part of its land and what is now a half million-strong minority
in its former dominion.
There was hope that both countries' European Union entry in
2004 would smooth relations, but instead they have eroded to the
point that analysts fear violence may even erupt.
If Slovak nationalists do well in the June 12 election and
retain their government seats as partners of left-wing Prime
Minister Robert Fico, there will be more trouble, said Slovak
political analyst Samuel Abraham.
"Despite (both countries) being in the EU and NATO,
relations may escalate and give free hand to extremists," he
said. "There can even be physical clashes that will be very
tough to cool down."
So far there has little violence: an occasional flag-burning
in Budapest and a fight between Slovak and Hungarian extremists
in Slovakia during a soccer match in 2008.
TIT FOR TAT
After Fico's government pushed through a law limiting the
use of minority languages, and the election victory of Prime
Minister Viktor Orban in Hungary in April, the two countries
have moved further apart.
The latest step is a Hungarian plan to issue passports to
Hungarians abroad, including those in Slovakia. []
That has prompted Slovak retaliation, backed by all the main
parties in parliament, in the form of a law that would rescind
Slovak citizenship from those who obtain a Hungarian one.
Those affected in ethnic Hungarian-dominated southern
Slovakia seem largely indifferent toward the issue.
"I'm still not decided whether to get Hungarian citizenship
or not, I will decide later," said Zoltan Oszi, 26, from the
border town of Komarno. "If I do, it will be only for
sentimental reasons, there is no real benefit."
The European Union has publicly been silent on the rift so
far, though Slovakian media reported there was a
behind-the-scenes diplomatic effort to urge Bratislava and
Budapest to talk.
The Czech Republic has backed its former federation partner
Slovakia, and analysts said the row could break up the Visegrad
group of post-Communist central European countries.
"Both governments ... have had their national agenda, and I
think that this is something very dangerous and it might destroy
Visegrad," said Eugeniusz Smolar from the Center for
International Relations in Warsaw.
Slovakia has only been an independent country since the
peaceful break-up of Czechoslovakia in 1993.
The strongly nationalist Slovak National Party led by Jan
Slota frequently lashes out at Hungary. He once called on
Slovaks to ride to Budapest on tanks.
Most of Slota's support comes from central and northern
Slovakia, regions with few ethnic Hungarians but where social
strains have made nationalists popular.
Nationalists have been on the rise in Hungary as well. The
far-right Jobbik is the third strongest party after the April
vote, with 47 seats in the national parliament.
Hungary has declared June 4 as national holiday to mark as
"National Day of Unity" the anniversary of the 1920 Trianon
Treaty which redrew Hungary's borders to leave large minorities
in Romania, Croatia, Ukraine and Slovakia.
ETHNIC HUNGARIANS MAY JOIN SLOVAK GOVT
Ethnic Hungarians have traditionally had representation in
the Slovak parliament through the SMK party.
SMK has been cautious on the passport question, balancing
its role as a representative of the minority but also a
potential partner in Fico's next cabinet. But it accused Fico of
alarming the public by saying the Hungarian law posed a security
threat.
A moderate faction peeled off from the SMK last year --
Most-Hid, whose name means "Bridge", symbolising its effort to
heal the rift with the majority Slovak community.
Ethnic Hungarian parties may join a Fico coalition or team
up with centre-right opposition parties to form a cabinet after
the election.
"I'm pessimistic when it comes to see a solution to all
this, I do not believe in any quick relief," said Oszi.
"Politicians should pay attention to real problems and not
create artificial ones."
(Editing by Andrew Roche)
